Tack till er alla…

EU

Vänner,

Det gick inte riktigt hela vägen detta. Vi förlorade ett mandat. Ändå. Tack till alla som har jobbat hårt! Här kommer förhoppningsvis lite tröst.

 

1. Valet

EU-valet 2014 i Europa blev de missnöjdas hämnd. Människor som inte riktigt hängde med i den snabba förändringstakten, globaliseringsförlorarna, ”go home”-folket i Europa – fick ett tillfälle att hämnas på den förändring som de upplever som hotfull. De partier som lovade stoppa globaliseringen, isolera landet, bygga murar och mota bort främlingar, fick gehör överallt i Europa. Folkpartiet – som hävdade globaliseringsfördelar och behovet av samarbete – förlorade följaktligen ett mandat.

Kanske finns det viss anledning att vara självkritisk. Istället för att som jag hårdnackat hävda behovet av EU hade vi tydligare kunnat erkänna att globalisering har nackdelar. För visst innebär öppna gränser och frihandel en möjlighet för alla, men priset är olika för olika grupper. Vi hade kanske tydligare behövt säga att vi är beredda att hantera de negativa konsekvenserna av globaliseringen. Det hade skapat bilden av ett globaliseringsvänligt parti som ändå ser även de negativa konsekvenserna av vad som pågår och är beredd att göra något åt det. Läs mer

EU and Sweden should help countries get rid of Russian pressure

Our friends in Ukraine must be supported. Besides offering immediate help we also need to understand what makes long-term freedom possible. Here is the English translation of my article published today. Sorry about the language but Google translate does its best.

The weekend concluded a EU summit on the Eastern Partnership. The… idea was to offer Eastern countries such as Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova the possibility of an EU integration process. However, no free trade agreement with Ukraine was agreed upon, and very little progress was made for closing the gap towards the EU. The result was immense pro-EU demonstrations in Kiev, which police are now brutally trying to prevent. In most of these countries, public opinion is largely positive towards the EU and the EU is seen as a symbol of freedom and democracy. But there’s a problem. Russia does not like this. Which means that countries are subjected to oppression, there are problems with oil and gas deliveries, gasstopp and deliveries of merchandise until they surrender for Moscow. Ukraine did surrender before the meeting even had started, this time.

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President Vladimir Putin began during his first presidency an era of Russian recovery and building of a Russian superpower , led by energy companies. The Russian tactic could be summed up with : yesterday tanks – today gas. Energy policy has been used for foreign policy purposes, and energy companies have been the state’s gun. How does it work?

What Kremlin does not like is punished and fought with energy weapons. Since 1991, the country, the world’s largest gas exporter, halted supplies to its neighbors more than 45 times!
For the pressure to be effective, Russia is trying to monopolize the oil and gas pipelines, and buy up as much as possible from other countries’ energy resources . The pattern looks like this: when neighboring countries have economic problems Russia offers ”help.” In exchange for much-needed loans, purchase state-owned energy assets in the neighboring country .

A few examples:

In Armenia, Russia took over Armenian debts and received in exchange a large part of the energy sector. For example, the Russian energy company UES bought the nuclear plant Medzamor. As a thank Russia wrote off debts of 32 million USD. In 2003 Russia also bought six hydroelectric power plants, a termal power plant, and a coal-fired plant . All this was topped off in 2004 when Armenia ‘s nuclear power plants were sold for $ 65 million in debt relief. Prompting the World Bank to warn Armenia to sell additional energy resources to Russia that now owned about 80 percent of the country’s energy producing companies.

In Kyrgyzstan, a share of ownership in the country’s 20 largest industrial companies , was transferred in 2001, including two hydroelectric plants in exchange for ”Russian help”. In 2004 the Russian influence deepened further by the two countries jointly building a hydro power plants (together with UES), and additionally by further investment in Kyrgyzstan’s energy sector.

Baltic countries have also been under pressure to sell their refineries and transfer control over oil and gas pipelines to the Russian capital. For example, Russia tried for years to buy the Lithuanian oil refinery Mazeikiu naphtha. Extortion by loss of oil supplies were part of the permanent recurrent tactic. When the refinery was finally sold to the Polish PKN Orlen, the oil deliveries was permanently shut down.
In 2007 all supplies of coal and oil products to Estonia was disconnected in connection with the ” statue crisis ” in the country. When the same country enacted a law on “immigrants” (affecting ethnic Russians ) – gasstopp. When Georgia chose the ”wrong” Western government – markups of 100 percent. When Ukraine did the same thing – 450 percent. When the planned currency union with Belarus was postponed – markups. When Ukraine did not want to give up control of its transit pipelines – gasstopp.

In the meanwhile Russia is trying to monopolize oil and gas pipelines to Europe and China. From 1999 many different agreements has been written in regards to transporting oil and gas from neighboring countries via Russia. For example, in 2002 a 15-year long agreement for the export of Kazakh oil via Russia was concluded. In case Russia could not monopolize the oil and gas pipelines competing pipelines have been built to reduce the profit for the competitors (Blue Stream), or gas cartel has been formed in order to create ”a common export strategy”.

There are Russia defenders, even in Sweden, claiming that Russian energy claims only involves rational economic strategy without political connection. This is naive. If the tactic is all about making money, it is extremely strange that Gazprom are giving almost free gas to South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Transnistria – that is, the areas that Russia is claiming.
A more sober view of Russia’s energy policy is necessary. Russia uses gas and oil as a weapon to achieve their political goals and as means of extorting its neighbors.

It is necessary to help the countries of the Eastern Partnership to apply for the EU, if they so wish. But in order to do that we must help avoid Russian pressure and blackmail. It can only be done by helping these countries to secure energy resources, supply and infrastructure that is less dependent on Russia.

The single European energy network must be expanded so that countries can quickly export energy and prevent intentional blockage in the gas and oil supplies. It will also allow for energy savings, but more importantly, it will reduce the Russian influence. In this context, the liquidation of Swedish nuclear power is almost foolhardy. It would put also Sweden in a dependent position and create problems here as well. Instead, we must help others to get rid of the Russian pressure.

Ukraine , Moldova, Georgia and other countries that so wish, must be able to move closer to the EU. It is our obligation to help them do it. Not just because we benefit from free trade agreements and export opportunities, but also because it is a matter of human rights and democracy.
Each country must be able to determine where they belong, and who they want to ally with. Europe’s future will be better off if the countries choose their own future rather than if Russia chooses it for them. For freedom is worth more than oil and gas.

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EU och Sverige bör hjälpa Ukraina

Idag skriver jag i Västerbottens-Kuriren om att vi måste hjälpa Ukraina. Men det räcker inte med den omedelbara hjälpen. Det som också krävs är förståelsen för vad skapar deras beroende och på vilket sätt kan de bli av med den.

Läs gärna artikeln här:

http://www.vk.se/1050388/eusverige-bor-hjalpa-andra-bli-kvitt-ryska-patryckningar

DN-kultur och sysselsättningsskillnader

Det utlovade inlägget om sysselsättningsskillnader mellan utrikes och inrikes födda på den här bloggen kommer publiceras först senare i kväll. Innan dess måste jag göra tre saker:

1. skriva till DN-kultur och försöka påpeka att när man skriver under en replik med ”Jasenko Selimovic (fp)” att de inte kan själva ändra det till ”Jasenko Selimovic, dramatiker och statssekreterare (fp) på arbetsmarknadsdepartementet”. De verkar inte förstå att ens åsikter som folkpartist inte nödvändigtvis måste delas av andra regeringspartier. I just detta fall är det nog inga sakproblem men DN-kultur borde om någon veta skillnaden?

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My dear British friends, it’s time for hard talks…

20 years ago I was sitting with my friend Alen and discussed escape from the besieged Sarajevo. He fled just hours after me. When he was captured during the escape, he was forced to shoot at the house where his parents lived. How do you explain the need for a peace project after that? To you, who are now on your way out of the EU?

I was sure that I would have to explain it to others. But to you? You knew what night raids are, how grenade explosions feel, how humiliation tastes. You helped to save us from shame and the Nazis. But that generation of politicians has passed away. Is memory really that short?

Your Prime Minister David Cameron will today make a speech in which he seeks to distance you from the EU. The debate afterwards will be about investment, reforms, subsidiarity, exit. And the arguments will be sensible… ”Thank you, thank you, oh, you put it so nicely! British interests, our freedom and the special relationship with the U.S. – lovely”.

But I’ll confess to you what sometimes keeps me awake at night. A nagging thought. What would have happened if the former Yugoslavia had been part of the EU before the war broke out? Would my friends have lived?

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